Haiti: Fear of a Black Republic
Jason Johnson: This is a word, a podcast from Slate. I’m your host, Jason Johnson. The nation of Haiti may be nearing collapse. Gangs are on the streets. Political leaders fear for their lives while health and economic disasters threaten its people. But Haiti’s problems are centuries in the making, and powerful nations like the United States have been fueling them.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: If Haitians were allowed a fighting chance and were simply allowed the dignity and the humanity to simply govern themselves, Haiti would thrive and Haitians would be perfectly happy to stay where they are.
Jason Johnson: The history driving Haiti’s crisis. Coming up on a word with me, Jason Johnson. Stay with us. Welcome to a Word, a podcast about race and politics and everything else. I’m your host, Jason Johnson. For many Americans, the nation of Haiti is synonymous with the word crisis. The current government is in chaos, never having stabilized after the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moise. As a cholera epidemic rages and gangs take over the nation’s streets, many Haitian migrants are scrambling for a way to get to the United States and claim asylum.
Jason Johnson: But there’s no real way to understand Haiti’s current circumstances without understanding its history and the way race and revolution made it a target of persecution for the most powerful nations in the world, including the United States. Joining us to talk about it is Leslie Alexander. She’s a professor of African American and African Diaspora history at Rutgers University. She’s also the author of the new book Fear of a Black Republic Haiti and the Birth of Black Internationalism in the United States. Professor Alexander, welcome to a Word.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: Thank you so much. Thanks for having me.
Jason Johnson: I’m going to start this the most basic way possible. You called Haiti one of the most hated and persecuted countries in history. What is going on with Haiti? Why does it always seem to be in a state of crisis?
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: Yeah, I mean, I think this is a really important question. And it is true that I have called and described, you know, Haiti as the most hated and persecuted nation on earth, at least one of them. And the primary reason for this is that there’s such a long history of the white Western world attacking, demonizing, seeking to undermine Haiti and its success. And it’s a long history that goes back to, as you indicated, the revolution itself.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: I think it’s important for people to understand that the Haitian Revolution, although it was founded on very similar principles, was not viewed or treated or understood in the same way as the American Revolution. Once the United States successfully defeated England and was able to establish its independence. It’s celebrated throughout the world as this triumphant victory of liberty and equality and justice and brotherhood, right? These very exciting ideas about natural rights, philosophy and the right of human beings to govern themselves and democratic principles.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: But Haitians essentially do the same thing. They’re actually embracing the language of both the American Revolution and the French Revolution and simply saying, yes, all human beings do have a right to freedom. All human beings do have a right to govern themselves. And yet when descendants of Africa, when black people try to assert their right to those same ideas freedom, liberty, equality, self-governance, they are demonized throughout the white Western world. It is literally because these are enslaved people, right. Throwing off their shackles and insisting that they have the same rights as all other human beings.
Jason Johnson: Why does it seem like powerful countries like France and like the United States? Why have they chosen to punish Haiti over the years as opposed to co-opting it? Why punishment as opposed to control?
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: Well, I think it has a lot to do with this long history of Haiti’s insistence on their right to sovereignty and on their right to self-governance. The truth is, both the United States, France, even at various points, Spain and Great Britain all tried in response to Haiti and failed over and over and over again. And it was because the Haitians had a level of determination to their freedom and to their right to sovereignty that is perhaps unparalleled right during that time. And they did so unlike the United States, for example, without any allies, without any military or financial support from any other nation on earth.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: And yes, the white Western world has tried almost every imaginable strategy to regain control and authority over Haiti, including, of course, and most famously, the United States military occupation of Haiti during the early 20th century. And yet each time the Haitians have been able to regain their independence and sovereignty. And I think, again, it also goes back to the question of what the revolution itself represented and symbolized.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: Right. Again, it’s the throwing off the shackles of slavery and oppression, but it’s also throwing off the shackles of colonialism. And it’s also in a destruction, essentially, of white supremacy. Right. During the time of the revolution, there was a fundamental idea that undergirded slavery. Right. Which was that white folks were the master race and descendants of Africa were inferior to them and destined to labor as their slaves. Not only Haiti’s existence, but Haiti’s success flies in the face of the justification for slavery and the justification for white supremacy. And so from the perspective of the white Western world, Haiti cannot be allowed to succeed.
Jason Johnson: One of the things that has kept Haiti from achieving, I guess its full potential, given some of the resources on the ground, given sort of the ambition and drive of the people, is this really bizarre financial arrangement that they were locked into with France for a long time, really right after their revolution? Explain a little bit about what the financial situation was between Haiti and the French.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: This is a really important point because in many ways, this explains exactly the situation that Haiti is in today. Essentially, about 20 years after Haiti gains its independence and declares its independence from France, the French government essentially has tried over 20 years to try to regain control over Haiti. They have failed over and over again. And the French government finally decides that they either need to bring Haiti back under their authority once and for all, or they need to agree to recognize Haiti’s independence, but regain some kind of financial compensation for the loss of what they understand to be their former colony.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: Right. So in 1825, the French government sends a fleet of ships, point almost 500 cannons at the main port in Port au Prince and essentially say you need to agree to the terms of this agreement. That agreement has later become known as the indemnity. And essentially what the indemnity requires is reparations, right? France looks at Haiti and assesses a value based on the land, but also on the lives of the formerly enslaved people and essentially come up with a dollar amount. At the time it was initially it was 150 million gold francs, which in contemporary terms would be somewhere in the range of about $20 billion. And essentially, say the Haitians have two choices. They can either fight it out again with France.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: Right. Again. Meanwhile, there’s about 500 cannons pointing at the port. Or they can submit to the terms of the indemnity, which essentially says France will agree to recognize Haitian independence in exchange for which Haiti needs to pay in it in annual installments. Reparations back to the French government in the amount of 150 million gold francs.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: Just very quickly, another interesting writer to the indemnity, which often gets ignored but was actually very important, is that it also said that France would not have to pay full duties or taxes when they entered and exited Haitian ports, which meant that it’s kind of a double problem. Right. Which is that not only now does the Haitian government have to pay all this money back, but a good portion of their income is being undermined, right. By the fact that they’re no longer able to obtain as much tax money from their trade relationship with France.
Jason Johnson: We’re going to take a short break. When we come back. More on the history of the Haitian crisis. This is a word with Jason Johnson. Stay tuned.
Jason Johnson: This is Jason Johnson, host of A Word, Slate’s podcast about race and politics and everything else. I want to take a moment to welcome our new listeners. If you’ve discovered a word and like what you hear, please subscribe, rate and review. Wherever you listen to podcast. And let us know what you think by writing us at a word at Slate.com.
Jason Johnson: Thank you. You’re listening to a word with Jason Johnson today. We’re talking about how Haiti’s history informs the current crisis. Our guest is Rutgers history professor Leslie Alexander. So we have the Haitian Revolution. Formerly enslaved people throw off the shackles, throw those feet, shackles upon the ground, and then, you know, the French say, all right, we’re going to put this lousy deal on you. How did the United States sort of also get involved in this process? Like how did the Civil War change the United States relationship with with Haiti?
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: Right. I think that’s a really important question. I should say, actually, prior to the Civil War. An interesting thing that happens is that the decision to impose the indemnity creates something of a crisis internally for the United States, because up until 1825, when the indemnity goes into effect, the United States had not been acknowledging Haiti as an independent sovereign nation. And in fact, for a short period of time, they tried to impose an economic boycott. But it was so devastating to the United States economy that they called it off pretty quickly. But they continued to politically boycott Haiti and to refuse to extend diplomatic recognition.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: But once France recognizes Haiti, now the United States is in a bit of a conundrum because they have to decide whether they’re also going to follow suit. It will probably come as a surprise to no one that the United States makes the decision that they’re not going to recognize or acknowledge Haitian sovereignty because they perceive it as a fundamental threat to the institution of slavery in the United States. As you indicated, once the civil war begins.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: Now the United States government, especially once the Confederacy succeeds, decides that they’re going to reconsider the question of Haitian recognition and Haitian sovereignty. And there’s actually a very nasty and ugly debate that takes place in Congress. One that I had before I started researching had assumed it was actually pretty clear and smooth sailing. Right. The Confederacy had seceded. You know, the Republicans had control of the Congress. And my assumption was that it actually sort of sailed through. But it was actually a very contentious and nasty debate that dripped with both excessive racism and also just sort of naked United States capitalism.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: They finally make the decision in 1862, the Congress, that they’re going to recognize and extend formal diplomatic recognition to Haiti. But what that then opens up right as the 19th century gives way to the 20th century, is that that diplomatic acknowledgement then opens up Haiti to United States imperialism. And essentially what then happens over the course of the 20th century is that the United States really becomes the political and economic exploiter of Haiti and its resources.
Jason Johnson: Heading into the early part of the 20th century. Why was it a place that formerly enslaved Africans thought was a destination to leave the United States for.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: Over the course of the 19th century, as black people in the North are gaining freedom and as enslaved people in the South are fleeing from bondage. Right. And seeking other destinations, seeking places where they can live as free people. Haiti becomes one of the most popular destinations right alongside Liberia in West Africa and alongside Canada. Part of it is proximity. And in the same way, Canada becomes a popular destination.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: Haiti, because of its relative proximity, becomes a popular site in the minds of black activists in the United States. Haiti is the ultimate representation of the battle against slavery and the battle against white supremacy. It is the site of not just a rebellion or a revolt, right? A successful revolution that destroys the institution of slavery and in its place erects a fully independent, sovereign black nation. It’s really the only place in the Americas where that has happened. And so Haiti really is this beacon of hope for black activists in the 19th century. And for that reason, it becomes a very popular destination, not just among free black activists, but among enslaved people as well.
Jason Johnson: When did that change? Haiti is no longer this sort of romanticized hotspot of a successful black revolution, certainly amongst African Americans. So when did that change? When did Haiti begin to fall off as the sort of romanticized success? Why did that change happen?
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: I think a lot of it, in my mind, anyway, is connected to the United States military occupation of. Haiti during the early 20th century. But following that occupation, the way that Haiti is depicted and presented in the United States and in the United States, media. Right. Is about demonizing and undermining Haiti.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: I think the other problem, of course, is that and this, again, stems back to the indemnity. Haiti finds itself in endless cycles of foreign debt, first to France. They’re having ultimately to borrow from French banks at insane interest rates. Once they are finally at the end of the 19th century, able to pay that off. Following the U.S. military occupation, they end up then becoming in endless cycles of debt to the United States. The United States kind of replaces France as the main sort of source of debt for the Haitian nation. And as a result, Haiti becomes viewed and depicted as a failed nation.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: And once Haiti starts to be viewed as the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere, this failed nation, it no longer presents itself as this beacon of hope, as this amazing example of what black freedom and black sovereignty can represent. But I think it’s important to underscore that the reason why Haiti, quote unquote, becomes a failed nation, which is, by the way, a depiction I would I would argue against.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: Right. But the reason why it becomes presented like that is because of the U.S. military occupation and the the cycles of debt that become imposed on Haiti as a result of this this historical relationship. So the challenges that Haiti has faced have much less to do with Haiti’s internal problems, as they do with foreign policies that Haiti and the United States have had towards Haiti.
Jason Johnson: We’re going to take a short break. When we come back, more about Haitian history and how it informs the current crisis. This is a word with Jason Johnson. Stay tuned. You’re listening to a word with Jason Johnson today. We’re talking about Haitian history and the current crisis with Professor Leslie Alexander. So let’s focus on more recent history between Haiti and the United States over the last couple of decades. The United States bankrolled the Duvalier regimes. Francois and Jean-Claude Duvalier were father and son dictators who ruled the country from the fifties to the eighties. Papa Doc and Baby Doc, I believe, were the nicknames I remember growing up, you know, hearing about them. Why was the U.S. so wedded to them? And once they were out of power, how did that leave the Haitians sort of perception of the United States?
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: Yeah, this is a really important question. Of course, at the time, the United States is claiming that their support of the Duvalier regime first, as you said, under Papa Doc and then under Baby Doc, was sort of connected to and a legacy of the Cold War. The United States is arguing that if the United States does not have a positive relationship with Haiti and sort of prop up the Duvalier regime, that they might turn to Russia and then fall to communism. The United States government is making the argument that this is a strategy that they have to use in order to stave off the communist wave that might come in to the United States if Haiti falls to Russia.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: In reality, the United States is propping up the Duvalier regime because both Papa Doc and Baby Doc agree to a whole range of financial agreements that support United States economic interests. One of the most significant changes that happens during this time is that United States financial investors are able to convince Papa Doc and more importantly under Baby Doc, are able to convince the Duvaliers to reduce Haiti’s focus on agriculture and to shift the economy towards manufacturing and export. And that has long term financial consequences both for the United States, but obviously most importantly for Haiti.
Jason Johnson: This is a part that I think is important for everybody to really understand. The president of Haiti was assassinated in 2021. And I think the idea of a world leader getting assassinated within our hemisphere is something that really should get a lot more attention. And then recently, the head of the Senate in Haiti, there was a very recent assassination attempt on him. How is that resonating with the United States? From a national security standpoint? I mean, yeah, there’s always people who say, you know, the United States should intervene one way or another. But how is it perceived in this country by our State Department, by Trump, by Biden, that you have a country that is in our hemisphere that isn’t that far, that seems to have not just fighting in the streets, not just gangs, but literally political leaders being assassinated?
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: My personal perspective, this is my very personal opinion is that the bulk of United States politicians who are informed and educated about the situation in Haiti know that Haiti is in crisis and know that Haiti is in crisis because of U.S. policies like I think they know that, and yet they persist with the policies all the same.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: So, you know, on some level, your question is about is it resonating among the politicians? I mean, yes, but it’s resonating because they already know that it’s the United States government’s policies that are actually directly responsible for what’s happening in Haiti. And so it’s about covering that up on the one hand, and then also trying to create a public image that, oh, the United States is here to help you. And, you know, we’re ready to send resources in order to help prop it up.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: Right. So the United States is about presenting itself as a country that’s interested in trying to help and assist Haiti. And of course, in their minds, that’s through direct intervention. But they’re not willing to acknowledge and are actively trying to draw attention away from the fact that the crisis itself is the result of U.S. foreign policy, contemporarily but also this long history of U.S. foreign policy.
Jason Johnson: One of the big contemporary issues, in addition to sort of the financial relationships, etc., etc., has to do with immigration. And I always tell people this because I think all too often, you know, and that’s deliberate. For 40 years in this country, immigration is primarily seen as an issue of of people from Latin American, Central American countries or from Asia. And very seldom do people talk about immigration, what comes to Haiti? What? Comes to Jamaica. Where is the Biden administration? When it comes to Haitians coming here seeking asylum? Have they been good? Have they been better? Have they been worse? How has Biden been on asylum seekers from Haiti?
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: The truth is, there has been no recent president who has had a really good policy towards Haitian migrants seeking asylum. President Biden has been in the process of carrying out the largest mass deportation. Of asylum seekers in modern American history. And it is a deportation process that primarily and overwhelmingly targets Haitians. So I think there were some people that were hopeful that once President Trump was ousted and Biden became the president, that some of the policies would be altered and overturned. And yet Biden actually ramped up deportations. And like I said, it is currently in the process of of carrying out the largest mass deportation in modern American history.
Jason Johnson: Professor Alexander, I always try to in the podcast on either a positive note or something that people can do, even when it’s not something that’s necessarily positive. My question for you is more basic, though. At a practical, functional level, why should anyone listening to this podcast right now care about what’s happening in Haiti and what can they do when they realize why it’s important?
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: I think one very selfish reason why people in the United States should care about U.S. foreign policy towards Haiti is that if people are concerned right now about the crisis at the border and the volume of people that are seeking entrance into the United States, one really easy way to prevent Haitians, thousands of Haitians, tens of thousands of Haitians from wanting to come into the United States is simply to allow them to have a self-governing, thriving nation. If the United States government would stop exploiting Haiti and stop trying to impose puppet leadership that serves the interests of the very small United States capitalist elite, Haitians, in my view, would be happy to stay in Haiti.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: I travel a lot around the world, and I continue to say that hands down, Haiti is the most beautiful place I have ever seen in my life. And I continue to believe that if Haitians were allowed a fighting chance and were simply allowed the dignity and the humanity to simply govern themselves without U.S. intervention and without financial meddling by white Western nations, Haiti would could thrive and Haitians would be perfectly happy to stay where they are.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: So if we’re looking for a selfish reason for people in the United States, you know, to protest against United States policy towards Haiti, the very plain and simple thing is that if you don’t want more people at the border trying to come into the country, then treat other nations with respect and dignity and people will be happy to stay where they are.
Jason Johnson: Leslie Alexander is a professor of history at Rutgers University. She’s also the author of Fear of a Black Republic Haiti and the Birth of Black Internationalism in the United States. Thanks so much for joining us on a work.
Leslie Alexander, Alexander: Thanks for having me.
Jason Johnson: And that’s a word for this week.
Jason Johnson: The show’s email is a word at Slate.com. This episode was produced by Kristie Taiwo Makanjuola. Ben Richmond is Slate’s senior director of operations for podcasts. Alicia montgomery is the vice president of Audio. Our theme music was produced by Don Will. I’m Jason Johnson. Tune in next week for Word.
