The Black-Japanese Axis

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Speaker 1: Hey, this is Josh Levine, the host of One Year. This is our season finale. So thanks for sticking with us for all six episodes about 1942. This week, I’m going to turn things over to my Slate colleague, Joel Anderson. And just a quick warning before we begin. This episode includes descriptions of racist violence.

Joel Anderson: In September 1942, a 32 year old black man took the witness stand in a federal courtroom in East Saint Louis, Illinois. All the jurors knew when they came in that day was that they’d be hearing about something highly confidential. But what this man was saying was almost unbelievable. He was exposing a vast conspiracy about an imminent Japanese invasion.

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Speaker 3: I’ll tell you how it was explained to me that they would come across the water and get us walking down. And after we weaken down, that’s the time we were supposed to rise up.

Joel Anderson: The people who were supposed to rise up were black Americans, and there was evidence that the plans were already underway. A week earlier, FBI agents had arrested two men driving across the Mississippi River on a bridge that connected East Saint Louis with Saint Louis, Missouri. In the back of their car was a stash of army rifles and ammunition. Now, those men were in court, along with other people who joined up with their organization. That group was called the Pacific Movement of the Eastern World. And a federal prosecutor was pressing one of the members to explain their rituals.

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Speaker 1: Now, when you join the Pacific movement of the Eastern world, did they give you some secret signs?

Speaker 3: Yes, sir. They gave me some secret signs. The first thing they give me was a password.

Speaker 1: What password did they give you?

Speaker 3: It was three letters. B, y b.

Speaker 1: And what did the BYOB stand for?

Speaker 3: That means the black race, the yellow race and the brown race.

Speaker 1: That was to indicate a union of those three races.

Speaker 3: Yes, sir. That’s right.

Speaker 1: A union of them as against the white race.

Speaker 3: That’s right.

Joel Anderson: There was a whole lot more explosive testimony. One witness said the Japanese invasion was coming November 24th, 1942. He said that all the black men and women in the Pacific movement would be celebrating. And this wasn’t just ten or 20 people. The prosecutor said there were 2000 of them in East Saint Louis alone. So that was the claim in 1942 that an army of Midwesterners stood ready to take up arms for Japan in East Saint Louis. It would be up to a grand jury and a judge to decide if any of it was true. But what if it was true? Why would black Americans want to fight for a foreign nation intent on destroying their own country? This is one year, 1942. The black Japanese axis.

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Joel Anderson: In 1942, the U.S. government sent a group of black interviewers to ask black New Yorkers how they felt about World War Two. One of the questions in that survey was, would black Americans get treated any better if the Japanese took over? 49% said they’d either be better off under Japanese rule or there would be absolutely no difference. Keep in mind, this was after Pearl Harbor. Basically, half of the black people who took that poll said America’s sworn enemy would be just as benevolent as their own government. That number might sound shocking, but it actually makes some sense to understand why black Americans felt an affinity for the Japanese. You need to go back to the early 1900s. Back then, Japan was battling Russia for control of the Korean Empire and Manchuria. Both sides suffered heavy losses, but Japan eventually won and got cemented as a great power.

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Speaker 4: It was clear that much of the white world was somewhat alarmed by this.

Joel Anderson: Mark Calicchio is the author of The African-American Encounter with Japan and China.

Speaker 4: Particularly in the United States. There was a lot of talk on the West Coast about Japan’s long term ambitions and the need to check Japanese power.

Joel Anderson: For some black Americans. Japan’s defeat of a white European power wasn’t a cause for concern. It was a moment to celebrate.

Speaker 4: There was this sort of vicarious thrill in seeing whites humbled throughout Asia by the Japanese that demonstrated to black Americans that this might be the beginning of the end of white supremacy and international affairs.

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Joel Anderson: By the early 1900s, the gains black Americans had achieved following the Civil War had been rolled back. State legislatures had started passing the first segregation laws known as Jim Crow, and black people were still getting lynched all over the South.

Speaker 1: The situation that black Americans face was so horrendous and so dangerous that inevitably they began to look overseas for solidarity and assistance.

Joel Anderson: Gerald Horne is the author of Facing the Rising Sun African-Americans, Japan and the Rise of Afro-Asian Solidarity. He says that black Americans were paying close attention to international affairs thanks to a robust black press.

Speaker 1: They had correspondents wherever you had black Americans traveling. They were filing dispatches on a regular basis. Feeding a ravenously hungry audience, eager for news about what was going on overseas.

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Joel Anderson: Those news stories from abroad allowed black Americans to imagine themselves as part of a greater struggle.

Speaker 4: The colonized world was non-white, and they began to see how their own experience fit into that international scheme That black Americans experience in the United States was more that of colonial subjects than it was actual citizens.

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Joel Anderson: For the nation’s leading black intellectuals, Japan’s victory over imperial Russia signaled the dawn of a new day. One of Japan’s biggest champions was the activist and scholar W.E.B. Dubois.

Speaker 5: We American Negroes are part of the working force of the world. Not only do we represent an important segment of the American working class, but also of the working classes of Europe, Asia and Africa and the other Americas.

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Joel Anderson: Dubois believed that non-white people all over the world might one day form an alliance. And he credited Japan with showing the way forward.

Speaker 4: What he pointed out was it broke the foolish magic of the word white, as he put it. So that’s the signal moment, I think, in black American perceptions of Japan.

Joel Anderson: Dubois believed in changing America from within. The black nationalist Marcus Garvey considered that hopelessly naive. He thought that white people would never change and argued that black Americans should return to Africa. But like Dubois, he looked for inspiration in Japan.

Speaker 1: The Garvey movement was open to alignment with Tokyo. Japanese agents visited their meetings, particularly on the West Coast.

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Joel Anderson: It wasn’t just Dubois and Garvey. All sorts of people believe that if Japan struck back against white colonialism in Asia, then everything could change.

Speaker 4: It might force Americans to finally face the reality of racism at home and recognize that racism had become a matter of national security that imperiled America’s national security.

Joel Anderson: At the end of World War One, there was a chance for the U.S. to seriously confront racism. And in this case, the group pushing for equal rights was the Japanese government. In 1919, the United States and Japan were on the same side. They got together in Paris with the other victorious allies to chart a new international order. They’d emerged with the Treaty of Versailles, which included lofty language about international cooperation and peace. Japan had a more radical proposal.

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Speaker 4: Japanese delegates introduced a resolution that would insert a racial equality clause.

Joel Anderson: That pledge for racial equality would declare that immigrants from all nations should be treated the same, regardless of race or nationality. And like nation started lining up behind a version of it. It was looking like a majority of delegates were on board. But then suddenly, a last minute maneuver killed the racial equality proposal. The man responsible was the President of the United States, Woodrow Wilson.

Speaker 4: Black Americans took note that the Japanese were pushing for racial equality, and it was an American president who blocked that resolution.

Joel Anderson: Then a few years later, the U.S. gave Japan what amounted to a slap in the face. In 1924, Congress passed a new anti-immigration law. It included the Asian Exclusion Act, which is exactly what it sounds like. It banned essentially all people of Asian heritage from immigrating to the United States.

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Speaker 4: The black press was roundly critical of the racism in that legislation. And of course, Japanese were outraged.

Joel Anderson: The disappointment and anger stirred up by American racism. The hope for a worldwide alliance against white supremacy and the belief that somewhere far away from the United States, another country was leading the way. And that’s why black Americans felt drawn to Japan.

Speaker 4: And so where a lot of white Americans saw this kind of unchecked aggression on the part of the Japanese, a lot of black Americans saw American racism as the source of Japan’s ultimate conflict with the United States.

Joel Anderson: Heading into the 1930s, the possibility for a black Japanese alliance was there, and in some places it seemed like it was more than just a possibility. In the lead up to World War Two, a mysterious figure began showing up at black gatherings all over the United States. He claimed to be an emissary for the Japanese government, and he had an alluring message. He said that Japan could free black Americans from white domination. All they had to do was follow his lead and joined the Pacific movement of the Eastern world.

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Joel Anderson: In 1932, Dr. Ashima Tikki started popping up at black churches and clubs all around St Louis. Dr. Takis was short, solidly built and wore a sharp suit. He said that he was from Japan and that he was the President General of the Pacific Movement of the Eastern world. And he said that his group had something important to share with the black people of St Louis.

Speaker 4: And so then what about representing themselves? Sort of like as bearers of information from the Japanese government to save people of African descent?

Joel Anderson: Ernest Allen Jr is a historian and author. He says the doctor told black people that if they joined the Pacific movement, Japan could free them from their white overlords.

Speaker 4: They’ve got the gift of rhetoric and that sort of thing. They get people all fired up.

Joel Anderson: An FBI informant claimed he saw Dr. Takis working a crowd into a frenzy, shouting, Why should you respect the white man when the white man has nothing for you but a bloody whip? Those speeches drew big crowds and membership in the Pacific movement grew quickly. Dr. Toki said that he could even arrange for some black people to immigrate to Japan. They just had to pay him $5 or $0.50 to enroll, and he let them know when it was time to sell off for a better life.

Speaker 4: And they take their money and then, you know, promised to have the Japanese boats waiting to take them. He is basically telling these outlandish kind of, you know, kind of accounts, in other words, promising people that they’re, you know, like, don’t worry and that sort of thing. We’ve got jobs waiting for you in Japan.

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Joel Anderson: Did he have any actual connection to Japan?

Speaker 4: As far as I know, no.

Joel Anderson: What we do know is his name wasn’t really Ashima to Keith. He wasn’t a doctor and he wasn’t Japanese. The founder of the Pacific Movement of the Eastern World was actually a Filipino immigrant named Polycarp Yeoman and Sala. He had served in the U.S. Navy during World War One and was later dishonorably discharged. After the war, he was working as a dishwasher. He claimed that he was then summoned by a Japanese man, a member of something called the Black Dragon Society. He testified about that encounter in a court hearing in 1942.

Speaker 3: I saw this Japanese waiting for me. He said he wanted to talk to me privately, and he said that the Black Dragon Society is the most powerful political organization in Japan, and even the government of Japan is dictated by this Black Dragon society.

Joel Anderson: The man gave Madonsela a mission to travel around preaching to black Americans to win them over to Japan’s side.

Speaker 3: He said, You tell the people to organize and make them know that Japan is the leader of all dark people of the world. And so I asked him, Why do you have to fight the United States? He says, because in 1924, they passed the Exclusion Act forbidding Japanese to come to the United States. And he says that is a national insult and the American people are going to pay for it.

Joel Anderson: So that’s the story that Monaghan saw told. But there’s reason to be skeptical.

Speaker 4: I mean, he’s such a con artist and that sort of thing. I, you know, I, I would hesitate in attributing too much to him in terms of, you know, his motivations other than trying to make some money off the movement. It’s clear that this is a grift.

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Joel Anderson: Historian Mark Colicchio says Madonsela concealed his identity because it made for better.

Speaker 4: When he was finally interviewed by federal authorities. He said, Well, if I tell them I’m from the Philippines, nobody will listen to me. But they will if I say I’m from Japan.

Joel Anderson: He and his associates went to Chicago, Pittsburgh, Detroit and Newark. He seemed to pick up a new alias at every stop. He was introduced as Dr. Takis or Dr. Koo or Mimmo de Guzman. Everywhere these phony foreign agents went, they talked up Japan and line their pockets with recruitment fees.

Speaker 4: They were aware of African-Americans favorable views towards Japan. And so they began to organize these pro Japanese groups and mostly among the poorest black Americans in those areas. It’s all in the context of what’s happening during the Great Depression. People are desperate. So there’s a great deal of despair that’s happening. You know, people are just looking for a savior somewhere.

Joel Anderson: The Pacific movement preyed on that growing anguish. One leader asked members to contribute $1 a week to give to Japanese soldiers. Money he was pocketing for safekeeping.

Speaker 1: If they were a con, they had a rich base of marks to exploit.

Joel Anderson: Author Gerald Horne again.

Speaker 1: Because there were a lot of disgruntled Negroes who wanted to leave the United States of America or wanted revenge against the United States of America.

Joel Anderson: That was especially true in Saint Louis and across the Mississippi River in East Saint Louis, Illinois. That’s where the Pacific Movement eventually established its headquarters.

Speaker 1: East Saint Louis in particular had a special and pernicious form of Jim Crow.

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Joel Anderson: Thousands of black Americans had come to East Saint Louis during the Great Migration, traveling north in search of work. Most of them toiled for low wages and competed with white residents for jobs. In 1917, a white mob lashed out in violence, launching one of the most vicious attacks in U.S. history. As many as 150 black people were murdered and entire sections of East Saint Louis were burned to the ground.

Speaker 1: To be it’s not shocking or surprising that people who go to that sort of atrocity, that sort of experience went to try to avoid it by any means necessary.

Joel Anderson: The Pacific movement. So the vision of a better, more prosperous world.

Speaker 4: The promise was that when the Japanese came out on top, then they would end racism in America. That the Japanese would offer opportunity to black Americans. I mean, they were being offered some hope.

Joel Anderson: That hopeful message resonated with working class black people in East St Louis, like a janitor named Generally Butler and a cook named David Irwin. Irwin and Butler ended up taking over the Pacific movement after Polycarp, Yeoman and Sala drifted out of town. These new black leaders kept preaching the same things to their followers. They declared that a Japanese invasion of the U.S. was going to come someday. Whenever that happened, Southern land would be redistributed to black farmers. Trade would also open up between the Japanese and black Americans. But the members of the Pacific movement would need to do their part, even if it meant taking up arms to support Japan in its battle against the United States.

Speaker 1: If the country is about to be invaded, you’re oppressed and persecuted. Well, of course you want to be part of the new order. Can’t be that much worse than the old order.

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Joel Anderson: The Pacific movement said that young black men should learn to use modern weapons. They for military units and drilled around their hall and members were given the secret password. BYOB to represent the union of the black, yellow and brown races.

Speaker 4: I think there was also a story there was going around of you. You had a little purple cloth or something like that. You put it in your window when the Japanese invaded the United States and they would know that you were Pro-Japan and wouldn’t harm you.

Joel Anderson: In the 1930s, the Pacific movement reached into black communities all over America. It’s impossible to know exactly how big it grew. But organizers would claim membership rolls of 60,000 in Chicago, 30,000 in Detroit, and 10,000 in Kansas City. And there were other groups too, spreading similar pro Japanese agendas, including the predecessors, to the Nation of Islam. But black America was not a monolith. Plenty of people found these groups alarming. Black leftists argued that Japan couldn’t be considered the champion of all colored people. After all, they were occupying and subjugating Manchuria, China and Korea and massacring civilians.

Speaker 4: And they attacked these groups for duping black Americans into thinking that this robber, imperialist nation, Japan, had their interests at heart.

Joel Anderson: As relations between the US and Japan got increasingly tense in the 1930s, black professionals also worried that all this pro Japanese sentiment would invite a new round of government repression.

Speaker 4: They didn’t expect the American government to sit by idly while people talked, you know, favorably about Japan invading the United States. I mean, particularly, you know, Southern white officials were always talking about, you know, outside agitators coming in and trying to stir up trouble. Well, you know, Japan was the biggest outside agitator of them all.

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Joel Anderson: Federal authorities were keeping an eye on black Americans connections to Japanese groups, but they came away unimpressed with the Pacific movement, even as a grift, it didn’t seem very profitable. The group and others like it also appeared to be crumbling on their own.

Speaker 4: By the time we get to the early forties, these organizations lose their vibrancy, their followership and that sort of thing.

Joel Anderson: By the late 1930s, Polycarp Yeoman and Sulla was roaming around the country as a spice salesman. Pacific Movement’s new black leaders in East Saint Louis were trying to keep the organization alive, but the numbers dwindled. The U.S. government considered it a scam that it run its course, not a potential threat to national security. But then came Pearl Harbor, and in 1942, the hammer would come down.

Joel Anderson: The Pacific movement of the Eastern world had been saying for years that war was coming between Japan and the United States. In December 1941, that prediction came true.

Speaker 5: 86 ships were at Pearl Harbor and a large proportion of them were hit. The crippling of air forces at Pearl Harbor was a major factor in the treacherous surprise plotting by the Far Eastern sneak under.

Joel Anderson: The Pacific movements, leaders had prepared black Americans for a global fight. And now that it was here, at least some of them felt conflicted. A government survey found that black people didn’t necessarily want the U.S. to lose World War Two, but there was a widespread hope that white supremacy would get toppled by people with darker skins.

Speaker 1: They think it’s a turning point in world history, certainly a turning point in the history of Jim Crow and white supremacy.

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Joel Anderson: Author Gerald Horne.

Speaker 1: People who are trying to throw off the chains of oppression, they’re enthralled by the possibility that those who have been persecuting them are getting their comeuppance.

Joel Anderson: But there was no comeuppance in the immediate aftermath of Pearl Harbor. Instead, in January 1942, there was a horrifying outburst of racist violence.

Speaker 4: All of a sudden, you got this lynching of a black man in Sikeston, Missouri.

Joel Anderson: Historian Ernest Allen.

Speaker 4: The African-American man, was accused of rape. The perpetrators tied the victim to the bumper of a car and drove him around Sikeston so that everybody would see. It was a very brutal affair.

Joel Anderson: In the black press that lynching and Sikeston shared headlines with the attack on Pearl Harbor. It also helped inspire the double V publicity campaign that stood for victory over the axis abroad and victory at home in the struggle for racial equality. There were double vignettes, beauty pageants and baseball games and a song written by Langston Hughes.

Speaker 5: I’ve got a message and you know it’s right. Black and white together, unite and fight. That’s why Bonds.

Joel Anderson: The Pittsburgh Courier, summed up the double V campaign like this. Remember Pearl Harbor and Sikeston two? But in 1942, the US government had different priorities. Days after the Double V made its debut, President Roosevelt signed off on the executive order that created internment camps for Japanese Americans.

Speaker 5: The larger problem, the uncertainty of what would happen among these people in case of a Japanese invasion still remained. That is why the commanding general of the Western Defense Command determined that all Japanese within the coastal area should move inland.

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Joel Anderson: In Missouri, multiple grand juries investigated the Sikeston lynching, but no one was ever indicted. Instead, federal law enforcement went after a different group. Black Americans who supported Japan.

Speaker 4: If you’re going to be pro Japanese after the bombing of Pearl Harbor, that’s going to put you in the position of being pro sedition. And there’s some African-Americans who got locked up in.

Joel Anderson: The roundups of pro Japanese groups, began in earnest in July 1942. That month, 12 black people got arrested in Kansas City. In September, five men were indicted in New York. The FBI also launched a series of raids in Chicago. 85 black men and women would get arrested. Among the people caught up in that dragnet was Elijah Muhammad of the Nation of Islam.

Speaker 5: I don’t care whether he lived in America or live in Asia. Every black man under the sun, his brothers.

Joel Anderson: All told the government would bring in as many as 125 cases against black individuals and groups that stood accused of being pro Japanese. They were prosecuted for failing to register for the draft, as well as for espionage and sedition. One of the highest profile prosecutions would come in East Saint Louis against the Pacific movement of the Eastern world. Two of the group’s members were detained and interrogated for 10 hours without a lawyer. And on September 22nd, 1942, a federal grand jury got called into special session. One of the men who got detained would become the prosecution’s key witness. He was a rail worker named Finis Williams. The prosecutor asked him about the leader of the Pacific movement, David Irwin.

Speaker 1: Did you hear him say the Japanese would invade the United States?

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Speaker 3: Yes, sir. He said they were going to attack St Louis, Chicago in another big place in less than three months. I heard him say that.

Speaker 1: Do you remember Irwin making the remark He wouldn’t mind dying if he could carry ten or 20 white men with him?

Speaker 3: Yes, sir.

Joel Anderson: Williams also had a disturbing story to tell about the Pacific movement’s other leader, generally. Butler.

Speaker 3: One night I was at his house and a soldier train was going over to Saint Louis, and Butler said what damage he could do if he had about 40 sticks of dynamite to stick under the bridge.

Speaker 1: While the train carrying the soldiers was on it.

Speaker 3: Yes, sir. That’s right. He said that he kind of had it in his mind that if he had the material to blow that bridge down, he would do it.

Speaker 1: If he had enough dynamite.

Speaker 3: Yes, sir.

Joel Anderson: In January 1943, the grand jury indicted David Irwin and generally Butler on charges of sedition. They went to trial in May, and the star witness against them was Paula Carpio. But and Sala, a.k.a. Dr. Ashima Takis, the elusive founder of the Pacific Movement. Everyone understood that Madonsela was a con artist. He was actually in federal prison for forging a money order, and his testimony in this case was particularly unreliable. One of the Pacific movement’s black leaders, David Irwin, had helped send him to prison. Now the fake Japanese secret agent was making some shocking claims. He testified that David Irwin had instructed Pacific Movement members to stock up on weapons.

Speaker 3: He told them these guns in case of an invasion. The colored people can use them, but if they keep them in their homes, some policemen might find them. And it is good that he keep them.

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Speaker 1: What was done about it?

Speaker 3: They were in his office and he kept them there.

Speaker 1: How many were collected?

Speaker 3: About 65, sir.

Joel Anderson: Madonsela also testified that Irwin had a plan if members of the Pacific Movement were forced to enlist in the US military.

Speaker 3: He said that if they get you into the army, you will get a gun and you go right along and use it against them.

Speaker 1: Who is they?

Speaker 3: The colored people against the white people.

Speaker 4: It’s a very sensationalist kind of charge that is being made against them. It was highly publicized, as you might imagine. They were definitely seen as a threat.

Joel Anderson: All that testimony certainly sounded scary. A fifth column threatening to overthrow the government and kill American soldiers. But was the threat for real?

Speaker 4: Well, I’d be I’d be skeptical, but I mean, it’s possible. I mean, they ended up with, you know, the cache of arms and that sort of thing. So it’s difficult to explain that away. On the other hand, people like Erwin and others, they didn’t have any power. You know, there’s not a whole lot there’s there, you know, in terms of substance.

Joel Anderson: In June 1943, a federal judge found David Irwin and generally Butler guilty of conspiracy to violate the Sedition Act and the draft law. But the judge made it clear he didn’t take their claims of an imminent invasion seriously. To him, they were just small time crooks. The judge said Irwin’s only concern was in getting every dime out of the pockets of his poor followers. He called the Pacific Movement a deliberate exploitation of black people in East Saint Louis. He sentenced David Irwin to four years in prison and generally Butler to two.

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Speaker 4: I mean, that’s the end of the movement, essentially, when the hammer comes down hard. You usually expect for movements to dissipate as a result of that. You know, the people who didn’t go to prison, all of a sudden they changed their tune. No, I never said that. I I don’t know anything about that. You know? I don’t know. I don’t know any Japanese.

Joel Anderson: By the time the war came to an end in 1945, black Americans would have to look elsewhere for help.

Speaker 1: I think it was a devastating blow to the black Nationals Gerald Horne, because they had invested emotionally, politically and otherwise in Japan. And now, well, post August 1945, Japan was in ruins. It was in ashes.

Joel Anderson: To Mark Calicchio, it’s not a surprise that the movement and its leaders are mostly forgotten today.

Speaker 4: The sort of interest in these pro Japanese groups and even the idea of pro Japanese sympathy sort of recedes in kind of the collective memory of African-Americans.

Joel Anderson: David Irwin doesn’t have any descendants, so far as I can tell. I did reach out to the granddaughter of Generally Butler. He died when she was a little girl and she has few memories of him. She told me that her mother, one of Butler’s six children, never told her anything about his work with the Pacific Movement for Gerald Horne. It’s easy to understand why black Americans would have been susceptible to the messages of those groups. Their desperation forced them to look for allyship with anyone who was willing to help.

Speaker 1: If I had been alive during World War Two, I would not have been in solidarity with Tokyo. But I am a sympathy and a solidarity with persecuted people. Let me look United States, as these people oftentimes forget they were aligned with Stalin. They don’t seem to have a problem with that.

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Joel Anderson: During World War Two, black Americans saw a chance to rise up and assert themselves. But the possibility of the double V victory abroad and at home that lasted for only a few years after the war. The American government wasn’t any more interested in racial equality than it had been before. Marcus Garvey and W.E.B. Dubois had once looked at Japan for Salvation. They both died overseas with their hopes for racial equality unfulfilled. By the 1950s, a new generation of black activists had launched the national Civil Rights Movement. These new leaders weren’t looking abroad, investing hope in a savior that would never come. When the global fight against fascism ended, they knew they’d have to fight the fascists at home themselves.

Speaker 1: Joel Anderson is a Slate staff writer. This was the last episode of our season on 1942. We hope you enjoyed it. If you did like it and you’re interested in learning more about 1942, you should check out Tracey Campbell’s book, The Year of Peril. We’ve also got three other seasons that you can listen to right now. A 1977, 1995 and 1986. To hear those and get updates on what’s coming next for our show, please subscribe to the one year podcast feed wherever you listen. And please tell your friends to subscribe to and if you want to get in touch. Our email is one year at Slate.com. You can also leave us a message on the one year hotline. That phone number is 2033430777. We’d love to hear from you.

Speaker 1: Evan Chung is one year’s senior producer. This episode was produced by Joel Anderson Sam Kim Derek John Sophie Summergrad. Seoul Werthan Evan Chung and Me Josh Levin. It was edited by me, Evan Chung and Derek John, Slate’s executive producer of Narrative Podcasts. Our senior technical director is Merritt Jacob. Howie Allen created the artwork for this season. Gerald Horn’s book is Facing the Rising Sun, African-Americans, Japan and the Rise of Afro-Asian Solidarity. Mark Colicchio is the author of The African American Encounter with Japan and China, and another book that was useful in the making of this episode with Matt Briones as Jem and Jap Crow. A Cultural History of 1940s Interracial America.

Speaker 1: Thank you to Matt Briones, Gene DEMBY, Lowen Live, Reginald Kearney, Scott Kershaw, Danielle Bui and Ben James. And special thanks to everyone who made the season of one year possible. Tracy Campbell. Christina Ricci. Madeline Ducharme, Susan MATTHEWS, Rebecca Onion. Jordan Weisman. Hilary Fry. Bill Carey.

Speaker 1: Katie Raiford. Ben Richmond. Caitlin Schneider. Cleo Levin. Seth Brown. Alexandra Settlement. Rachel Strom. Paul Summergrad. Randy Glassman. Karen Fellman. Jessica Seidman, Janelle Desmond Harris and Alicia Montgomery, Slate’s VP of Audio. Thanks for listening.