-
sponsorship
With the Pennsylvania primary too close to call, the New York Times focuses our attention on the otherwise unnoticed John McCain.
Once again, the Times is implicitly questioning Senator McCain's bona fides as a political reformer. Supposedly after his near-death ethics experience in the "Keating five" Savings and Loan scandal, the Senator has been careful to avoid according special privileges to the well-heeled. There seem to have been exceptions, however, including a notable one for well-heeled "friend" who has also arranged for donations to Senator McCain's presidential campaign in excess of $250,000.
Today's profile by David Kirkpatrick and Jim Rutenberg of wealthy Arizona real estate developer Donald R. Diamond reveals that Senator McCain has been pivotal to Mr. Diamond's real estate success, much of it achieved by exchanging properties with the United States on very favorable terms.
It appears Senator McCain helped Mr. Diamond acquire, among other properties, Fort Ord, the former military base in the extraordinarily beautiful Monterey California. When the deal ran into trouble, Senator McCain assigned an aide who facilitated matters with the Pentagon and sped things up. Mr. Diamond described by Senator McCain as "a close personal friend" was of course grateful -- well, to a point.
Referring to the help he received from Senator McCain and about which he bragged to local officials would allow them to "get through some of the red tape in dealing with the Army," Mr. Diamond felt more or less entitled. In a startling, yet revealing, comment Mr. Diamond contended "I think that is what Congress people are supposed to do for constituents. When you have a big, significant businessman like myself, why wouldn't you want to help move things along? What else would they do? They waste so much time with legislation."
In the various endorsements of Mr. Diamond used to intervene with other government officials, John McCain calls his friend -- and it would seem modern-day commentator on American democracy -- "a citizen's, citizen" -- yeah, he's a veritable Alexis de Tocqueville.
So here's hoping that Pennsylvania will not be afraid to nominate someone for president of the United States who at least promises with some plausibility to roil the existing order that passes itself off as congressional ethics.
-
sponsorship
Jack is right to point out that the privileges or immunities clause of the 14th amendment was indeed, as Senator Howard at the time explained, intended to incorporate Corfield's partial listing of natural rights as well as the Bill of Rights, including the Second Amendment, as against the States declaring the body of these rights to be the true deposit of U.S. citizenship. Were the Slaughterhouse Cases and its misinterpretation of the privileges or immunities clause to be overturned, I concede that the people in the several states would no longer have an unfettered legislative ability under the 10th amendment "either to broadly protect individual rights of gun ownership or the opposite," at least insofar as "the opposite" -- that is, restriction would need to comport with the incorporated Second Amendment.
It is not clear to me however how the 14th amendment is relevant to the scope of Congress's authority over the District of Columbia, or the District's power which it has by delegation. As I mentioned in my earlier post, Congress is directly limited by the Second Amendment in terms of its regulation of the several states, but is it contended that there is a reverse incorporation of the 14th amendment privileges or immunities clause as against the Congress in its governance of the District of Columbia? If that is what is being contended, more than Senator Howard's Corfield and Bill of Rights reference in the legislative history would be needed to establish that fact and what it means -- at least for me. For now, as I see it, with or without the 14th amendment and the proper interpretation of the privileges or immunities clause, the District of Columbia may ban handguns or do something less.
-
sponsorship
I wanted to follow up Doug's post about originalism and the Second Amendment with a question: What effect does he think the Fourteenth Amendment had on this issue? The Fourteenth Amendment, while directed primarily at states, nevertheless also speaks of the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States. Such privileges or immunities of national citizenship, if they truly are such, must bind the federal government as well as the states. The framers of the Fourteenth Amendment assumed that the right to keep and bear arms for self defense was one of those privileges or immunities. If we are truly to be originalists, can we disregard other points of origin and their impact on our reasoning? Surely 1787 and 1791 are not the only moments that matter. The Supreme Court, it is true, wrote the Privileges or Immunities clause out of existence in the Slaughter-House cases of 1873. But as Doug himself puts it, "to the extent it is consistent with the original understanding [N.B., I would say original meaning], precedent must be respected." That cannot be said of Slaughter-House.
-
sponsorship
The Supreme Court is cogitating over the meaning of the Second Amendment. I have previously suggested that it might wish to research and draft the opinion first before voting. It is an important case not just for the scope of a largely under-interpreted provision, but also for the legitimacy of the Court.
The oral argument, which of course is not a sure guide, suggests that a majority of the Court may be contemplating a ruling that will be incapable of withstanding examination under originalist methodology, and once again, expose the Court to the claim that it is a political body robed in law's clothing. The Court should avoid this, especially in a political season.
An originalist interpretation, at a minimum, must give respect to the meaning of every word of the Second Amendment, including its preamble. Second, the interpretation must situate the Second Amendment intra-textually within the context of the entire Constitution. Third, an originalist interpretation must be honest about the possibility of obsolescence -- namely, that something is in the Constitution which may have no modern analog. Fourth, to the extent it is consistent with the original understanding, precedent must be respected.
What do these principles suggest is the meaning of the Second Amendment? Just this:
The Second Amendment reflects the concerns of the founders that the federal government might exercise its Article I militia power to subjugate the people by disarming local militias in the several states. The Second Amendment was drafted to combat this particular fear, and therefore, the Second Amendment is no limitation whatsoever upon the authority of the people within the several states, by the power reserved to them under the 10th amendment, either to broadly protect individual rights of gun ownership or the opposite.
It may be interesting to speculate how the Second Amendment in its protection of the states limits the authority of the federal government under either Article I or the commerce power, but since there is no state in the litigation, as a matter of prudence and restraint, the Court should refrain from such speculation. Since I'm not a court, however, and the Court may disregard the above understanding of the Second Amendment, let me briefly speculate for academic purposes on what Congress' authority is vis-à-vis the states.
Were D.C. a state, which is not, Congress's ability to encroach upon the right of individuals to keep and bear arms for militia related purposes would necessarily be limited by the Second Amendment. However, contrary to some of the speculation at the oral argument, there is no free standing right of self-defense codified in the Second Amendment, even as that may well have existed as a common law right at the time the Second Amendment was drafted and ratified. However, insofar as those serving in a local militia within a state at the time of ratification would ordinarily be expected to possess weapons that could also be employed in self-defense, the interpretation of the words "keep and bear arms" would modernly support that right as well.
This interpretation would be entirely consistent with the Supreme Court's prior ruling in Miller and the abundant circuit court precedent applying Miller that, with two recent exceptions, overwhelmingly construed the Second Amendment as protecting only militia-related arms as they might be employed by someone eligible for militia-related status. Giving the broadest gloss on history, militia-related status at the time of the Second Amendment could have theoretically included all able-bodied men and women.
So what would that mean in this case for the DC handgun law, were that law enacted by Congress to restrict a state? First, it might be plausible to find this particular case to be non-justiciable if Mr. Heller is not militia eligible. Assuming there is someone with standing in the case, a congressional ban on handguns, a commonly used weapon for militia service at the time of the Second Amendment, would be unconstitutional. While such a handgun ban by Congress against the states might be argued to be within Congress' Article I militia authority as an aspect of "organizing, arming, and disciplining, the militia," which is a power expressly given to Congress limited only in the un-amended text by the power of the states to make the appointment of officers and the states' authority to follow the training regimen for the militia as prescribed by Congress, that argument would leave the Second Amendment without meaning. It is here where the amendment was intended to be a limitation upon congressional power.
So let me be clear: had the DC law been enacted by Congress and applied to a militia eligible individual within the several states, it would be unconstitutional. But there is one further complication, and it cannot be overlooked. Modernly, the Second Amendment may be no limitation upon federal authority so long as there is no analog to the founding generation militia in the several states (the National Guard not operating on a bring your own weapons basis). The problem of constitutional obsolescence here is real and in an appropriate case could not be avoided.
It is interesting to speculate about all this, but again, since none of it is before the Court in Heller -- Congress not having chosen to regulate individual rights within the states -- there is absolutely no reason for the Court to give an answer as to the constitutionality of the DC handgun ban had it been enacted by Congress as against the states. Likewise, Solicitor General Clement will have to wait for another day to have the definitive assessment of what standard of review should apply to federal gun regulation as applied to the states.
As to the authority of the Congress of the United States, including the derivative authority of the City Council of Washington, DC, to ban handguns or do something less, the Second Amendment is no limitation. Congress is free to empower or revoke the DC City Council's authority as it sees fit on this subject. Since Congress has not revoked the power of the DC City Council to legislate upon this issue, Washington, DC is free to ban handguns generally.
Given the vibrant empirical debate over whether the possession of handguns within the home deters violent crime, this fortuitously allows Washington, DC to be a genuine case study, thereby contributing in its own way, to the laboratory value of federalism.
By the way, two of the nation's most preeminent champions of both federalism and individual liberty, Bob Levy and Chip Mellor, have contributed a different individual rights view of the Second Amendment at least as it applies to the District of Columbia in their new book, The Dirty Dozen, which I recommend not just for an opposing point of view, but also for its splendid writing including the untold back story of how the Miller case was argued only by one side.